Undoubtedly, the dearth of
historical data and anthropological studies on the Abrenian culture is
proverbial. Researchers would always find themselves cumbersome and frustrated searching
for documentary materials and references related to the study of our province. Most
data found in archives and libraries are sketchy descriptions, peep-holes of
the Abra condition. They require rigorous analysis, translation, field research
and validation. Even in the internet, information about Abra is outdated. They
are even repeated all over by different websites, a ‘copy-paste’ from the
original.
There are exceptional works on
Abrenian ethnography. However, these works are scanty. F.C. Cole (1922) states: “…
information concerning it (the Tingguian) has been exceedingly scanty, and
careful observations on the language and physical types have been totally
lacking.”
Cole’s “The Tingguian” can be
considered as an authority on the Abra narrative. His work is primarily cited
in all manuscripts and documents concerning our province. It provides us a
vivid picture of the Tingguians of Abra, and partly of the Ilocanos. It suffices,
in all respect, what we need to know about our history and culture. But, as
history unfolds more development and changes, we must update our awareness on Abra,
its people, culture, social structure, religion, government and language.
This condition exhibits an
authentic challenge for contemporary Abrenian anthropologists to complement the
available references with scientific and methodological researches. It is a
response and thrust for anthropological studies that must be carried on, though
at a slow pace, in order to fill in the missing lines of our own story.
Abrenian history and culture is still at a long route to the annals of the
Philippine narrative. However, with an optimistic eye, our historical ethnicity
would find its significance, development and academic respect as part of the
entire cultural phenomenon in the Philippine society.
In this article, though briefly
presented and explicated, I would be discussing significant topics and issues
related to anthropological studies on the Abrenian ethno-history. It would be
more of a presentation of what studies to conduct (cf. Table 1: Thrust and
Priorities for Abrenian Studies). The first section shall be dealing
with the oral tradition as our primary source, its subsequent difficulties and
possible recommendation. The oral tradition is and shall always remain as a
transmitted literature about the Tingguian life-ways prior to Western influence.
It needs proper and careful investigation to achieve its validity.
Second, social change in ethnic
communities shall be provided. It is a major concern that ought to be addressed
with adequate knowledge and analysis. The topic is drawn from Fay Dumagat’s
thesis and subsequent articles.
Third, a comprehensive
assessment of William Henry Scott’s ‘the parchment curtain’ shall be presented.
It is of vital importance that we must understand what the Spanish documents
can provide us. Indigenous communities are often hostile to the Westerners. They
are branded with the term ‘alzados’ which means ‘barbaric,
pagan uncivilized and head takers.’ In their independent status,
Spanish writers could only write about their encounters with them without
knowing and understanding the real situation of their values and tradition.
And lastly, the thrust for
anthropological studies on Abrenian ethno-history shall be forwarded and
justified through the ‘Lakasa’ monograph. It shall
identify, fulfill and fix the aforementioned dearth. The previous works of
Abrenian ethnographers in promoting and preserving the Abrenian culture would
thus be continued.
Oral
Tradition as Primary Source
F. Landa Jocano (1998) states ‘Some
scholars consider contemporary indigenous ethnic culture as important links to
the Philippine past. Ethnic community life is said to “mirror” the conditions
in the archipelago prior to extensive exposures to exogenous influences,
especially the Western ones.’ Anthropologists accept this statement as
a valid argument for understanding the original picture of our cultural heritage.
Our pre-Spanish situation can be known and illustrated with a remarkable study
of the present cultural tradition and practices, which we inherit from our
ancestors.
The oral accounts of the elders of Abra have been recently documented.
Most of which are in the archives of the Abraeniana Institute, in the
Provincial Planning and Development Office (PPDO), Department of Education -
Abra Division and Abra Provincial Library. The difficulties, however, in using
them in our present venture are their validity and objectivity. They are myths,
legends, folktales (maman) and chants (diams) orally transferred by our
predecessors. Demetrio (1978) writes “rediscovering our myth does not
mean that we must believe in these myths again the very same way our ancestors
did. That is quite impossible. But it means we must rediscover ourselves when
we were children, and see the permanent values of childhood, its freshness, its
simplicity, its truth.”
Discarding the oral tradition would be unsolicited despite its being
unverified. They may not contain the scientific design we usually encounter in
formal studies. But they narrate intangible values and motivation about life. It
is not just a story narrating “what” they are, but rather, “who” they are. In a
general sense, though partly modified and adapted from other influences, the
belief system and norms reflected in the oral history establish the social and
cultural structure of our contemporary communities. Thus, they are important in
as much as our present cultural condition is. Demetrio continues: “the
truth of myth is not the truth of history. It is the truth of experience, of
the real, of life, the holy, the sacred.”
It is therefore recommended that
the study and use of the oral tradition be properly and carefully investigated.
Ethnographic studies must be provided with sufficient documentary evidences
like old documents, pictures, transcripts of interviews, audio recordings and
mapping of key informants. Most significant here is the key informant. Each
narrative should be identified with the story teller. It cannot, per se, be fully verified unless we are
able to document the narrator as a reliable source, that is, in knowing the
capacity, prominence or authority in the community for sharing the story. It
would be more reliable and valid if the oral story comes from trusted and
respected tribal elders. Cultural mapping is not only about places and
structures, but also individuals of utmost importance to culture and history.
F.C. Cole (1922) writes: ‘The lakay is supposed to be well versed
in the customs of the ancestors, and all matters of dispute or questions of
policy are brought to him.’ Tingguian settlements are classified as
‘ili’
(Jocano 1998); and each ‘ili’ is governed by an elder or ‘lakay
(panglakayen)’. It is also guided by the council of elders or ‘lallakay’
aside from the tribal leader. Given as a fact that the headman of each tribe
knows the tradition well, along with the other elders, our recommendation about
the elders should be reliable and valid, in a similar fashion that the Tingguian
community grants them confidence and trust. The oral tradition is handed on to
them as proof of their leadership.
Social
Change
The social change among the
Tingguians of Abra is fully deliberated in Fay Dumagat’s thesis (1974). It
summarizes how the socio-cultural changes of the Abrenian tradition and culture
have taken place in the contemporary period. Critically, Dumagat admits that
the early works of F.C. Cole, Fred Eggan, Dean Worchester, H.O. Beyer are
recently written, specifically during the early part of the 20th century.
The 27-year interval between the work of Cole in 1907-08 and Fred Eggan in 1935
already shows variable changes in Abra. The studies identified tales of the
first time and story tellers. And in time, these important cultural links would
soon be lost. Dumagat thus writes:
“Eggan noted that there were still some
older people who knew the tales and that there were 20 mediums who were still
performing the rituals which had even grown more complex. Then World War II
occurred and almost completely destroyed Tinguian ceremonial life by the year
Eggan returned to resume his work in 1949 with only one medium left to perform
the rituals. The interval was 14 years.”
Clearly, there is a wide space
that disrupts the manner of practice between the original tradition and the
contemporary practice. The spiritual beliefs and knowledge of our predecessors
are now superseded with the acculturation and assimilation of Western and
Ilocano cultures. The case of the ‘Inglaud’ or ‘Illaud’ tribe can be an
example to this change. They are the Tingguians who live at the western portion
of Abra particularly in Peñarrubia, San Quintin, Langiden, Danglas, San
Juan, Lagangilang, and Lagayan. They can also be found in Lumaba in
Villaviciosa, Abang and Siwasiw in Bucay, Tangbao in San Isidro, Gaddani in
Tayum, and Malaylay in Dolores. Bangued, the capital town, is once an ‘Inglaud’
village.
Geographically, the tribe is close
to the Ilocos region. Their ancestors are believed to have originated from
Tamag, Vigan, Ilocos Sur (present-day site of the University of Northern
Philippines, UNP). They are also
believed to migrate to the mountain areas with the coming of the Ilocanos in
their settlements. Some are scattered in the towns of Narvacan, Sto. Domingo,
Magsingal, San Juan and Cabugao, Ilocos Sur, while others are found in Banna,
Piddig and Nueva Era, Ilocos Norte (Laory: 2006) They are further moved
eastward with the arrival of the Spanish troops. Despite their migration to the
hinterlands, they have peaceful relations with the Ilocanos, bartering their
agricultural and mining products.
With this situation at hand,
acculturation is thus ubiquitous. Intermarriage between the Ilocanos and the
Tingguians are accepted. The tribe learns the Ilocano language for
communication and relational purposes, e.g. political and social. Their
‘Christianization’ apparently restructured the religious beliefs that they
inherited from their predecessors. For example, the ‘gansa’ is believed to
have been given by the minor gods or ‘anitos’, and its transfer to
another heir entails a ritual. Each item has its own name attributed to a
particular spirit. Today it is simply known as a musical instrument for
showcasing their cultural songs and dances. Younger generation no longer know
and revere its ‘spiritual’ value.
Socio-political institutions are
lucidly of Western influence, different from the community solidarity of the
Tingguians. De Los Reyes (1888) writes about this community solidarity:
“The
gobernadorcillo issues preventive and interim police decisions. The more
important decisions, however, such as, for example, court sentences and
rulings, are handed down by the elders assembled as a council in the tribunal.
In these cases, the vote of the gobernadorcillo has no weight against the
decision of the council and he is reduced to carrying out said decision.”
“Civil
cases are decided on the basis of their customs, even before they are brought
to the courts of first instance, Criminal cases must be, as mandated, judged
according to legislation enacted for every Filipino, They, however, hide their
crimes and the elders settle their disputes, a practice consistent with their
inexplicable abhorrence of presenting themselves before our courts. It
sometimes happens that when the government and the court of first instance of
Abra calls them, they run to the houses of the officials of said institutions
to avoid the presentation before the pertinent authorities even when they are
not guilty of anything.”
“If
they succeed in covering up the offense or the crime, they settle amicably
paying fines and damages to the offended party in hard cash or in kind (such as
big varnished earthen jars from China or Japan) Thus are hidden the gravest of
crimes, such as murder, that are very rarely committed.”
In these accounts written by the
great Ilocano historian, we can see the difference between the Tingguian
‘community solidarity’ and the Spanish colonial government. Despite the Western
form of government, the Tingguians still clings to their old custom. Even
today, this ‘binodngan’ or ‘budong’, which means ‘peace-pact’, is
carried out in Tingguian villages. It is also called ‘kalon’.
The Tingguian community
solidarity, however, is hampered in the 1970s and 1980s (Gaoini: 1987). The
solemnity of peace treaties is desecrated when the ‘Barbero’ government
disregarded the Malibcong and Tubo resolutions in 1978 and 1979 respectively
over the disputed Cellophil Resources Corporation (CRC). The tribal elders
unanimously oppose the logging concession; however, the government apprehends
the opposition with bribery and political promises. These events provoke the
ire of the Tingguians embracing arm struggle over peace agreement.
As the conflict lapses in time,
the Tingguians hardly recover from this overture. But, slowly, they are gaining
opportunities to re-establish their community solidarity. The IPRA of 1997,
though partially implemented, recognizes the indigenous people, their human
rights, ancestral domain and cultural institutions. Seminars and lecture forums
on reconstruction and peace development are conducted to fractured indigenous communities
(Sumangil: 2004). Other government measures are also considered and provided to
them (Ortega and Madriaga: 2004).
There are other changes in our
culture. And providing these issues here would lengthen our present advocate.
What is provided here are illustrations of the prevailing developments in Abra.
Recent studies regarding the Abrenian tribe have been conducted; however, they
are presented briefly and phenomenological using quantitative design. Thus,
information about Abra is quite arbitrary. Ethnographically, the writers have
possessed only the changed culture of the indigenous community. The original culture
is simply deduced from the collated data among the present-day Tingguians.
In a positive manner, Dumagat
believes that the culture is intact and can still be preserved prima facie. His optimism is hereby
summarized:
“What is interesting about the Itneg
and their religion? First, the Itneg
were able to preserve their culture and religion despite the onslaught of
Christianization and Westernization since the Spanish ’pacification’ in the
l570s. Second, they were not impoverished and marginalized due to
socio-economic changes from a subsistence economy to a ‘market and consumerist’
economy. Third, they maintained their social and psychological balance in the
face of revolutionary forces that engulfed them in the 1970s and 1980s where
brothers fought on different sides of the political and ideological fences.”
Dumagat clearly illustrates the
preserved Tingguian culture in the contemporary period. He believes that Itneg
culture would subsist in time. Most important among the Tingguians are their
religious and supernatural beliefs, the summoning and festive rituals, and
their community solidarity. He calls this belief system the ‘cultural
spirituality’ of the Itnegs. It is a way of life inspired
and guided by their spiritual beliefs. The optimism dwells on, provided that
fellow participation and involvement are fervent. It can be preserved through
(1) the continuous practice of the ‘kadawyan’ by contemporary
Tingguians, and by the Abrenians in general; (2) the love and promotion of the
culture; and (3) education, intensive studies and research works.
The
Parchment Curtain
Most historians use Spanish
documents and correspondence as references to their manuscripts. The works of
Pedro Chirino (1604), Manuel Carillo (1760) Manuel Buzeta and Felipe Bravo
(1850), Angel Perez (1902), etc., are frequent Spanish references to Philippine
history books. They are ‘relaciones’ or situation reports
about the Philippines in different periods presented to the King of Spain. They
give an updated picture of the colonial government, political subdivisions,
territories, environment, economic activities, ecclesiastical cooperation and
population count in the Philippines. Unfortunately, in these ‘relaciones’,
the Tingguians are branded as ‘alzados’ which means ‘barbaric,
pagan uncivilized and head takers.’ In their independent status,
Spanish writers could only write about their encounters with them without
knowing and understanding the real situation of their values and tradition.
However, at the expense of the
researcher’s creativity to picture the past scientifically, the difficulty
arises both on the ‘parchment curtain’ and, on social change. W.H. Scott (1982)
describes the ‘parchment curtain’ as a shroud in our cultural past. The documents
and reports, both from the civil government and ecclesiastical communities
during the Spanish colonial period, relate the condition of the Philippine
Island. They are advantageous only for particular Spanish purposes; otherwise,
disadvantageous to the Filipinos. The Abra situation is a sentient model. Most
reports about our province during the Spanish period are short descriptions of
common places and natives of their concern. They are phenomenological in
nature, that is, ocular reports on the tribes’ social and political structure.
In knowing the truth about our
past, this ‘parchment curtain’ however possesses cracks and tears for us
to decipher within. Investigating these breaks would be difficult. We are only
provided with glimpses and shadows of our ancestral culture. Most historical
findings would only be conjectures, i.e., creative hypothesis and treatises.
Cole (1922) rarely uses Spanish
documents in his manuscripts. He relies on first-hand information he gathered.
He categorizes them accordingly and analyzes them in its pure sense. To quote
him: “…as I
believe the data which follow prove it to be, we find in the Tinguian of to-day
a people living much the same sort of life as did the members of the more
advanced groups at the time of the Spanish invasion, and we can study in them
early Philippine society stripped of its European veneer.”
To specifically illustrate this
‘parchment
curtain’ in the Abra context, I would utilize the work of Jose Perdigon
(2007). He inquires about the history of the Casa Real in Bucay and Abra in
general. He uses old Spanish documents related to the establishment of Abra as
a province in 1846 and the erection of Bucay as the Capital town. However, it
turns out to be confusing and single-sided because the perspective is generally
colonial by purpose. The Tajonera documents show the favorable site for the
military government in order to pacify the ‘alzados’ in the mountain areas of
Abra and Kalinga. The town plan clearly defines the extent of the new capital
for the expedition and exploitation of the ‘Igorot’ gold mines
(Scott: 1974). Bucay, then, is a newly erected town, with the influx of Ilocano
settlers. It does not contain an overall picture of the Tingguians of Labon,
former name of Bucay, and their settlement. In fact, Perdigon is describing
Bucay in its present situation, dominated by the Ilocanos where Tingguians are
already at the outskirt. It never reproduces the actual behavior of the Itneg
settlers.
The Spanish documents, despite
the parchment curtain, are still significant. They contain data of historical
value though the Spanish authors write them purposively as part of their
advances and intentions. The use of the Spanish documents must be collaborated
with the oral tradition and other local studies. It is necessary for the
researcher to establish a rapport of what the Spanish authorities are telling
in their letters and documents and what the local people are experiencing
during the colonial rule. Oftentimes the natives are replaced by the migrants,
in the case of Malumbres (1918) citing Alonso Galindo’s report (1647), that
Galindo is describing the Filipino party who accompanied General Carrion
instead of the original natives of Cagayan (Scott: 1982).
CONCLUDING
REMARKS
The dearth of studies,
references and books on Abrenian history and culture would soon be rectified
through the intensified anthropological studies. With little information about
our people and culture, we can still create and recreate the Abra condition
through creative conjectures and treatises. R. Constantino (Scott 1985)
optimistically delivered: ‘if anthropological research can arrive at
certain reconstructions of Philippine life even without the benefit of recorded
history, I see no reason why we cannot recreate the life of our people during
this period of Spanish occupation… We may not be able to get numerous details
but available data may allow us to reconstruct broad trends and tendencies.”
The Abrenian history and
ethnology can be written provided that our contemporary anthropologists would
come with positive thinking despite limited resources. The cultural heritage of
Abra will be brought to greater light. The deeper we unveil the shroud of
ignorance, our identity as Abrenians shall be remarkably understood. And the
more we write this identity, our consciousness about Abrenian culture,
philosophy and historical integrity shall be updated and developed.
REFERENCES
Cole, Fay-Cooper
1908 ‘The Tinguian’. The Philippine Journal of
Science. Vol. 3 No. 4. pp. 197-211.
1915 Traditions of the Tinguian: A Study in
Philippine Folklore. Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History
Publication 180. Anthropological Series Vol. XIV No. 1. pp. 2-226.
1922 The Tinguian: Social, Religious and Economic
Life of a Philippine Tribe. (with a chapter on Music by Albert Gale. Chicago:
Field Museum of Natural History Publication 209. Anthropological Series Vol.
XIV No. 2. pp. 231-493.
De los Reyes, Isabelo
1888 “El Tinguian” Filipinas: Articulos varios…
sobre etnografica, historia y costumbres del pais (“The Tinguian” Philippines:
Various Articles… on Philippine ethnography, History and Customs). Translated
from Spanish by Ma. Elinora P. Imson. Baguio: University of the Philippines -
Cordillera Studies Center. 2007.
Demetrio, Francisco
1978 Towards an Understanding of Philippine Myths.
ASIAN FOLKLORE STUDIES. Vol. 37. No. 1.
Dumagat,
Fay
1974 Social Change in an Itneg (Tinguian)
Community: 1723-1941. M.A,
Thesis. Quezon City: University of the Philippines.
2004 Religion and the Good Life among the Itneg
(Tinguian). ABRAENIANA Research Journal Vol. 4. pp. 25-41.
Gaioni, Domini
1987 The Tinguians’ Bodong Institution and Social
Change. DIWA: Studies in Philosophy and Theology. Vol. 12. No 1.
Tagaytay City: Divine Word Seminary. pp. 1-24
Jocano,
F. Landa
1998 Filipino Indigenous Ethnic Communities:
Patterns, Variations and Typologies. Manila: Punlad Research House.
Laory, Mariano
2006 Tingguian Ethnohistory: 1930-2005.
Laoag City: Crown Printers
Ortega, Cirilo and Madriaga, Leticia
2004 Peace Zones: Case Studies on Community-Based
Responses in Armed Conflicts in the Philippines. ABRAENIANA Research Journal
Vol. 4. pp. 50-72.
Peralta,
Jesus
1996 Ethnography Field Manual. Manila:
National Commission for Culture and the Arts
Perdigon,
Jose
2007 Casa
Real de Bucay: First Capital of Abra.
http://jrperdigon.uuuq.com/CasaReal/CasaReal00.html
Scott,
William Henry
1974 The Discovery of the Igorots: Spanish
Contacts with the Pagans of Northern Luzon. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.
1975 Cordillera Bibliography 1972.
Manila: National Museum of the Philippines.
1985 Cracks in the Parchment Curtain and other
Essays in Philippine History. Quezon
City: New Day Publishers.
Sumangil, Pura
2004 Local Experiences of Healing and
Reconstruction in Abra Province, Philippines. ABRAENIANA Research
Journal Vol. 4. pp. 42-49.
Zulueta,
Francisco
2006 Anthropological and Sociological Concepts
and Perspectives. Manila: National Book Store.
Table
1
THRUST
AND PRIORITIES FOR ABRENIAN STUDIES
Area
|
Subject
|
Design/ Approach
|
History
|
By
municipality; By Ethnic Grouping: evolution and transition of Ilocano, Tingguian
communities, Architectural Heritage, Historical Sites, population census and
statistics, ecclesiastical developments, etc.
|
Pure, Basic
Research: Descriptive-analytic,
compendium, comparative, biographical, case study, scenario-building
|
Ethnology
|
Ethnic Grouping: evolution and transition of Ilocano,
Tingguian cultural practices, Traditional
Beliefs, practices and traditions: pre-natal to post-partum, farming,
housing, food preparation, health practices and sanitation, festivities,
rituals and religious activities, funeral rites, etc.
|
Pure, Basic
Research: Descriptive-analytic,
comparative, linguistic, case study, theory-, model- and scenario-building
Applied,
Quantitative Research: Descriptive-analytic,
comparative, assessment
|
Sociology/Political
Theory
|
Family, courtship and marriage, livelihood, labor and employment
opportunities, education, Natural Resource Management, Conflict Resolution,
Local Government, Ancestral Domain, Autonomy, Regional Development, etc
|
Pure, Basic
Research:
Descriptive-analytic,
comparative
Case
Study, Reviews, theory-, model- and scenario-building
Applied,
Quantitative Research: Descriptive-analytic,
comparative, assessment
|
Philosophy/
Psychology
|
Human rights, community solidarity, cultural spirituality,
ethics and well-being, evolution responses, linguistic patterns and analysis,
social change, modernism, educational reform, social responses to
development, etc
|
Descriptive-analytic-comparative
Case
Study, Reviews, theory-, model- and scenario-building
|
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