Monday, June 18, 2012

DOING ANTHROPOLOGICAL STUDIES ON THE ABRENIAN CULTURE: An Introduction

By Angelito Romano

Undoubtedly, the dearth of historical data and anthropological studies on the Abrenian culture is proverbial. Researchers would always find themselves cumbersome and frustrated searching for documentary materials and references related to the study of our province. Most data found in archives and libraries are sketchy descriptions, peep-holes of the Abra condition. They require rigorous analysis, translation, field research and validation. Even in the internet, information about Abra is outdated. They are even repeated all over by different websites, a ‘copy-paste’ from the original.  
 
 There are exceptional works on Abrenian ethnography. However, these works are scanty.  F.C. Cole (1922) states: … information concerning it (the Tingguian) has been exceedingly scanty, and careful observations on the language and physical types have been totally lacking.”
 
 Cole’s “The Tingguian” can be considered as an authority on the Abra narrative. His work is primarily cited in all manuscripts and documents concerning our province. It provides us a vivid picture of the Tingguians of Abra, and partly of the Ilocanos. It suffices, in all respect, what we need to know about our history and culture. But, as history unfolds more development and changes, we must update our awareness on Abra, its people, culture, social structure, religion, government and language.

 This condition exhibits an authentic challenge for contemporary Abrenian anthropologists to complement the available references with scientific and methodological researches. It is a response and thrust for anthropological studies that must be carried on, though at a slow pace, in order to fill in the missing lines of our own story. Abrenian history and culture is still at a long route to the annals of the Philippine narrative. However, with an optimistic eye, our historical ethnicity would find its significance, development and academic respect as part of the entire cultural phenomenon in the Philippine society.  

 In this article, though briefly presented and explicated, I would be discussing significant topics and issues related to anthropological studies on the Abrenian ethno-history. It would be more of a presentation of what studies to conduct (cf. Table 1: Thrust and Priorities for Abrenian Studies). The first section shall be dealing with the oral tradition as our primary source, its subsequent difficulties and possible recommendation. The oral tradition is and shall always remain as a transmitted literature about the Tingguian life-ways prior to Western influence. It needs proper and careful investigation to achieve its validity. 

 Second, social change in ethnic communities shall be provided. It is a major concern that ought to be addressed with adequate knowledge and analysis. The topic is drawn from Fay Dumagat’s thesis and subsequent articles. 

 Third, a comprehensive assessment of William Henry Scott’s ‘the parchment curtain’ shall be presented. It is of vital importance that we must understand what the Spanish documents can provide us. Indigenous communities are often hostile to the Westerners. They are branded with the term ‘alzados’ which means ‘barbaric, pagan uncivilized and head takers.’ In their independent status, Spanish writers could only write about their encounters with them without knowing and understanding the real situation of their values and tradition. 

 And lastly, the thrust for anthropological studies on Abrenian ethno-history shall be forwarded and justified through the ‘Lakasa’ monograph. It shall identify, fulfill and fix the aforementioned dearth. The previous works of Abrenian ethnographers in promoting and preserving the Abrenian culture would thus be continued.
 
Oral Tradition as Primary Source

 F. Landa Jocano (1998) states ‘Some scholars consider contemporary indigenous ethnic culture as important links to the Philippine past. Ethnic community life is said to “mirror” the conditions in the archipelago prior to extensive exposures to exogenous influences, especially the Western ones.’ Anthropologists accept this statement as a valid argument for understanding the original picture of our cultural heritage. Our pre-Spanish situation can be known and illustrated with a remarkable study of the present cultural tradition and practices, which we inherit from our ancestors.

 The oral accounts of the elders of Abra have been recently documented. Most of which are in the archives of the Abraeniana Institute, in the Provincial Planning and Development Office (PPDO), Department of Education - Abra Division and Abra Provincial Library. The difficulties, however, in using them in our present venture are their validity and objectivity. They are myths, legends, folktales (maman) and chants (diams) orally transferred by our predecessors. Demetrio (1978) writes “rediscovering our myth does not mean that we must believe in these myths again the very same way our ancestors did. That is quite impossible. But it means we must rediscover ourselves when we were children, and see the permanent values of childhood, its freshness, its simplicity, its truth.”
 
 Discarding the oral tradition would be unsolicited despite its being unverified. They may not contain the scientific design we usually encounter in formal studies. But they narrate intangible values and motivation about life. It is not just a story narrating “what” they are, but rather, “who” they are. In a general sense, though partly modified and adapted from other influences, the belief system and norms reflected in the oral history establish the social and cultural structure of our contemporary communities. Thus, they are important in as much as our present cultural condition is. Demetrio continues: “the truth of myth is not the truth of history. It is the truth of experience, of the real, of life, the holy, the sacred.”

 It is therefore recommended that the study and use of the oral tradition be properly and carefully investigated. Ethnographic studies must be provided with sufficient documentary evidences like old documents, pictures, transcripts of interviews, audio recordings and mapping of key informants. Most significant here is the key informant. Each narrative should be identified with the story teller. It cannot, per se, be fully verified unless we are able to document the narrator as a reliable source, that is, in knowing the capacity, prominence or authority in the community for sharing the story. It would be more reliable and valid if the oral story comes from trusted and respected tribal elders. Cultural mapping is not only about places and structures, but also individuals of utmost importance to culture and history.

 F.C. Cole (1922) writes: ‘The lakay is supposed to be well versed in the customs of the ancestors, and all matters of dispute or questions of policy are brought to him.’ Tingguian settlements are classified as ‘ili’ (Jocano 1998); and each ‘ili’ is governed by an elder or ‘lakay (panglakayen)’. It is also guided by the council of elders or ‘lallakay’ aside from the tribal leader. Given as a fact that the headman of each tribe knows the tradition well, along with the other elders, our recommendation about the elders should be reliable and valid, in a similar fashion that the Tingguian community grants them confidence and trust. The oral tradition is handed on to them as proof of their leadership. 
 
Social Change

 The social change among the Tingguians of Abra is fully deliberated in Fay Dumagat’s thesis (1974). It summarizes how the socio-cultural changes of the Abrenian tradition and culture have taken place in the contemporary period. Critically, Dumagat admits that the early works of F.C. Cole, Fred Eggan, Dean Worchester, H.O. Beyer are recently written, specifically during the early part of the 20th century. The 27-year interval between the work of Cole in 1907-08 and Fred Eggan in 1935 already shows variable changes in Abra. The studies identified tales of the first time and story tellers. And in time, these important cultural links would soon be lost. Dumagat thus writes: 

 “Eggan noted that there were still some older people who knew the tales and that there were 20 mediums who were still performing the rituals which had even grown more complex. Then World War II occurred and almost completely destroyed Tinguian ceremonial life by the year Eggan returned to resume his work in 1949 with only one medium left to perform the rituals. The interval was 14 years.”  

 Clearly, there is a wide space that disrupts the manner of practice between the original tradition and the contemporary practice. The spiritual beliefs and knowledge of our predecessors are now superseded with the acculturation and assimilation of Western and Ilocano cultures. The case of the ‘Inglaud’ or ‘Illaud’ tribe can be an example to this change. They are the Tingguians who live at the western portion of Abra particularly in PeƱarrubia, San Quintin, Langiden, Danglas, San Juan, Lagangilang, and Lagayan. They can also be found in Lumaba in Villaviciosa, Abang and Siwasiw in Bucay, Tangbao in San Isidro, Gaddani in Tayum, and Malaylay in Dolores. Bangued, the capital town, is once an ‘Inglaud’ village.

 Geographically, the tribe is close to the Ilocos region. Their ancestors are believed to have originated from Tamag, Vigan, Ilocos Sur (present-day site of the University of Northern Philippines, UNP).  They are also believed to migrate to the mountain areas with the coming of the Ilocanos in their settlements. Some are scattered in the towns of Narvacan, Sto. Domingo, Magsingal, San Juan and Cabugao, Ilocos Sur, while others are found in Banna, Piddig and Nueva Era, Ilocos Norte (Laory: 2006) They are further moved eastward with the arrival of the Spanish troops. Despite their migration to the hinterlands, they have peaceful relations with the Ilocanos, bartering their agricultural and mining products.

 With this situation at hand, acculturation is thus ubiquitous. Intermarriage between the Ilocanos and the Tingguians are accepted. The tribe learns the Ilocano language for communication and relational purposes, e.g. political and social. Their ‘Christianization’ apparently restructured the religious beliefs that they inherited from their predecessors. For example, the ‘gansa’ is believed to have been given by the minor gods or ‘anitos’, and its transfer to another heir entails a ritual. Each item has its own name attributed to a particular spirit. Today it is simply known as a musical instrument for showcasing their cultural songs and dances. Younger generation no longer know and revere its ‘spiritual’ value. 

 Socio-political institutions are lucidly of Western influence, different from the community solidarity of the Tingguians. De Los Reyes (1888) writes about this community solidarity:

 “The gobernadorcillo issues preventive and interim police decisions. The more important decisions, however, such as, for example, court sentences and rulings, are handed down by the elders assembled as a council in the tribunal. In these cases, the vote of the gobernadorcillo has no weight against the decision of the council and he is reduced to carrying out said decision.”

“Civil cases are decided on the basis of their customs, even before they are brought to the courts of first instance, Criminal cases must be, as mandated, judged according to legislation enacted for every Filipino, They, however, hide their crimes and the elders settle their disputes, a practice consistent with their inexplicable abhorrence of presenting themselves before our courts. It sometimes happens that when the government and the court of first instance of Abra calls them, they run to the houses of the officials of said institutions to avoid the presentation before the pertinent authorities even when they are not guilty of anything.”

“If they succeed in covering up the offense or the crime, they settle amicably paying fines and damages to the offended party in hard cash or in kind (such as big varnished earthen jars from China or Japan) Thus are hidden the gravest of crimes, such as murder, that are very rarely committed.”

 In these accounts written by the great Ilocano historian, we can see the difference between the Tingguian ‘community solidarity’ and the Spanish colonial government. Despite the Western form of government, the Tingguians still clings to their old custom. Even today, this ‘binodngan’ or ‘budong’, which means ‘peace-pact’, is carried out in Tingguian villages. It is also called ‘kalon’.

 The Tingguian community solidarity, however, is hampered in the 1970s and 1980s (Gaoini: 1987). The solemnity of peace treaties is desecrated when the ‘Barbero’ government disregarded the Malibcong and Tubo resolutions in 1978 and 1979 respectively over the disputed Cellophil Resources Corporation (CRC). The tribal elders unanimously oppose the logging concession; however, the government apprehends the opposition with bribery and political promises. These events provoke the ire of the Tingguians embracing arm struggle over peace agreement.

 As the conflict lapses in time, the Tingguians hardly recover from this overture. But, slowly, they are gaining opportunities to re-establish their community solidarity. The IPRA of 1997, though partially implemented, recognizes the indigenous people, their human rights, ancestral domain and cultural institutions. Seminars and lecture forums on reconstruction and peace development are conducted to fractured indigenous communities (Sumangil: 2004). Other government measures are also considered and provided to them (Ortega and Madriaga: 2004).

 There are other changes in our culture. And providing these issues here would lengthen our present advocate. What is provided here are illustrations of the prevailing developments in Abra. Recent studies regarding the Abrenian tribe have been conducted; however, they are presented briefly and phenomenological using quantitative design. Thus, information about Abra is quite arbitrary. Ethnographically, the writers have possessed only the changed culture of the indigenous community. The original culture is simply deduced from the collated data among the present-day Tingguians.

 In a positive manner, Dumagat believes that the culture is intact and can still be preserved prima facie. His optimism is hereby summarized:

 “What is interesting about the Itneg and their religion?  First, the Itneg were able to preserve their culture and religion despite the onslaught of Christianization and Westernization since the Spanish ’pacification’ in the l570s. Second, they were not impoverished and marginalized due to socio-economic changes from a subsistence economy to a ‘market and consumerist’ economy. Third, they maintained their social and psychological balance in the face of revolutionary forces that engulfed them in the 1970s and 1980s where brothers fought on different sides of the political and ideological fences.” 

 Dumagat clearly illustrates the preserved Tingguian culture in the contemporary period. He believes that Itneg culture would subsist in time. Most important among the Tingguians are their religious and supernatural beliefs, the summoning and festive rituals, and their community solidarity. He calls this belief system the ‘cultural spirituality’ of the Itnegs. It is a way of life inspired and guided by their spiritual beliefs. The optimism dwells on, provided that fellow participation and involvement are fervent. It can be preserved through (1) the continuous practice of the ‘kadawyan’ by contemporary Tingguians, and by the Abrenians in general; (2) the love and promotion of the culture; and (3) education, intensive studies and research works.

 
The Parchment Curtain

 Most historians use Spanish documents and correspondence as references to their manuscripts. The works of Pedro Chirino (1604), Manuel Carillo (1760) Manuel Buzeta and Felipe Bravo (1850), Angel Perez (1902), etc., are frequent Spanish references to Philippine history books. They are ‘relaciones’ or situation reports about the Philippines in different periods presented to the King of Spain. They give an updated picture of the colonial government, political subdivisions, territories, environment, economic activities, ecclesiastical cooperation and population count in the Philippines. Unfortunately, in these ‘relaciones’, the Tingguians are branded as ‘alzados’ which means ‘barbaric, pagan uncivilized and head takers.’ In their independent status, Spanish writers could only write about their encounters with them without knowing and understanding the real situation of their values and tradition.

 However, at the expense of the researcher’s creativity to picture the past scientifically, the difficulty arises both on the ‘parchment curtain’ and, on social change. W.H. Scott (1982) describes the ‘parchment curtain’ as a shroud in our cultural past. The documents and reports, both from the civil government and ecclesiastical communities during the Spanish colonial period, relate the condition of the Philippine Island. They are advantageous only for particular Spanish purposes; otherwise, disadvantageous to the Filipinos. The Abra situation is a sentient model. Most reports about our province during the Spanish period are short descriptions of common places and natives of their concern. They are phenomenological in nature, that is, ocular reports on the tribes’ social and political structure.

 In knowing the truth about our past, this ‘parchment curtain’ however possesses cracks and tears for us to decipher within. Investigating these breaks would be difficult. We are only provided with glimpses and shadows of our ancestral culture. Most historical findings would only be conjectures, i.e., creative hypothesis and treatises.

 Cole (1922) rarely uses Spanish documents in his manuscripts. He relies on first-hand information he gathered. He categorizes them accordingly and analyzes them in its pure sense. To quote him: “…as I believe the data which follow prove it to be, we find in the Tinguian of to-day a people living much the same sort of life as did the members of the more advanced groups at the time of the Spanish invasion, and we can study in them early Philippine society stripped of its European veneer.”

 To specifically illustrate this ‘parchment curtain’ in the Abra context, I would utilize the work of Jose Perdigon (2007). He inquires about the history of the Casa Real in Bucay and Abra in general. He uses old Spanish documents related to the establishment of Abra as a province in 1846 and the erection of Bucay as the Capital town. However, it turns out to be confusing and single-sided because the perspective is generally colonial by purpose. The Tajonera documents show the favorable site for the military government in order to pacify the ‘alzados’ in the mountain areas of Abra and Kalinga. The town plan clearly defines the extent of the new capital for the expedition and exploitation of the ‘Igorot’ gold mines (Scott: 1974). Bucay, then, is a newly erected town, with the influx of Ilocano settlers. It does not contain an overall picture of the Tingguians of Labon, former name of Bucay, and their settlement. In fact, Perdigon is describing Bucay in its present situation, dominated by the Ilocanos where Tingguians are already at the outskirt. It never reproduces the actual behavior of the Itneg settlers. 

 The Spanish documents, despite the parchment curtain, are still significant. They contain data of historical value though the Spanish authors write them purposively as part of their advances and intentions. The use of the Spanish documents must be collaborated with the oral tradition and other local studies. It is necessary for the researcher to establish a rapport of what the Spanish authorities are telling in their letters and documents and what the local people are experiencing during the colonial rule. Oftentimes the natives are replaced by the migrants, in the case of Malumbres (1918) citing Alonso Galindo’s report (1647), that Galindo is describing the Filipino party who accompanied General Carrion instead of the original natives of Cagayan (Scott: 1982).
  
CONCLUDING REMARKS
 The dearth of studies, references and books on Abrenian history and culture would soon be rectified through the intensified anthropological studies. With little information about our people and culture, we can still create and recreate the Abra condition through creative conjectures and treatises. R. Constantino (Scott 1985) optimistically delivered: ‘if anthropological research can arrive at certain reconstructions of Philippine life even without the benefit of recorded history, I see no reason why we cannot recreate the life of our people during this period of Spanish occupation… We may not be able to get numerous details but available data may allow us to reconstruct broad trends and tendencies.”
 
 The Abrenian history and ethnology can be written provided that our contemporary anthropologists would come with positive thinking despite limited resources. The cultural heritage of Abra will be brought to greater light. The deeper we unveil the shroud of ignorance, our identity as Abrenians shall be remarkably understood. And the more we write this identity, our consciousness about Abrenian culture, philosophy and historical integrity shall be updated and developed. 

 
REFERENCES

 Cole, Fay-Cooper
1908    ‘The Tinguian’. The Philippine Journal of Science. Vol. 3 No. 4. pp. 197-211.
1915    Traditions of the Tinguian: A Study in Philippine Folklore. Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History Publication 180. Anthropological Series Vol. XIV No. 1. pp. 2-226.
1922    The Tinguian: Social, Religious and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe. (with a chapter on Music by Albert Gale. Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History Publication 209. Anthropological Series Vol. XIV No. 2. pp. 231-493.
 De los Reyes, Isabelo
1888    “El Tinguian” Filipinas: Articulos varios… sobre etnografica, historia y costumbres del pais (“The Tinguian” Philippines: Various Articles… on Philippine ethnography, History and Customs). Translated from Spanish by Ma. Elinora P. Imson. Baguio: University of the Philippines - Cordillera Studies Center. 2007.
 Demetrio, Francisco
1978    Towards an Understanding of Philippine Myths. ASIAN FOLKLORE STUDIES. Vol. 37. No. 1.
 Dumagat, Fay
1974    Social Change in an Itneg (Tinguian) Community: 1723-1941. M.A, Thesis. Quezon City: University of the Philippines.
2004    Religion and the Good Life among the Itneg (Tinguian). ABRAENIANA Research Journal Vol. 4. pp. 25-41.
 Gaioni, Domini
1987    The Tinguians’ Bodong Institution and Social Change. DIWA: Studies in Philosophy and Theology. Vol. 12. No 1. Tagaytay City: Divine Word Seminary. pp. 1-24
 Jocano, F. Landa
1998    Filipino Indigenous Ethnic Communities: Patterns, Variations and Typologies. Manila: Punlad Research House.
 Laory, Mariano
2006    Tingguian Ethnohistory: 1930-2005. Laoag City: Crown Printers
 Ortega, Cirilo and Madriaga, Leticia
2004    Peace Zones: Case Studies on Community-Based Responses in Armed Conflicts in the Philippines. ABRAENIANA Research Journal Vol. 4. pp. 50-72.
 Peralta, Jesus
1996    Ethnography Field Manual. Manila: National Commission for Culture and the Arts
 Perdigon, Jose
2007    Casa Real de Bucay: First Capital of Abra.
            http://jrperdigon.uuuq.com/CasaReal/CasaReal00.html
 Scott, William Henry
1974    The Discovery of the Igorots: Spanish Contacts with the Pagans of Northern Luzon. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.       
1975    Cordillera Bibliography 1972. Manila: National Museum of the Philippines.
1985    Cracks in the Parchment Curtain and other Essays in Philippine History. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.
 Sumangil, Pura
2004    Local Experiences of Healing and Reconstruction in Abra Province, Philippines. ABRAENIANA Research Journal Vol. 4. pp. 42-49.
 Zulueta, Francisco
2006    Anthropological and Sociological Concepts and Perspectives. Manila: National Book Store.
 

Table 1
THRUST AND PRIORITIES FOR ABRENIAN STUDIES

Area
Subject
Design/ Approach
History
By municipality; By Ethnic Grouping: evolution and transition of Ilocano, Tingguian communities, Architectural Heritage, Historical Sites, population census and statistics, ecclesiastical developments, etc.
Pure, Basic Research: Descriptive-analytic, compendium, comparative, biographical, case study, scenario-building
Ethnology
Ethnic Grouping: evolution and transition of Ilocano, Tingguian cultural practices, Traditional Beliefs, practices and traditions: pre-natal to post-partum, farming, housing, food preparation, health practices and sanitation, festivities, rituals and religious activities, funeral rites, etc.
Pure, Basic Research: Descriptive-analytic, comparative, linguistic, case study, theory-, model- and scenario-building
Applied, Quantitative Research: Descriptive-analytic, comparative, assessment
Sociology/Political Theory
Family, courtship and marriage, livelihood, labor and employment opportunities, education, Natural Resource Management, Conflict Resolution, Local Government, Ancestral Domain, Autonomy, Regional Development, etc
Pure, Basic Research:
Descriptive-analytic, comparative
Case Study, Reviews, theory-, model- and scenario-building
Applied, Quantitative Research: Descriptive-analytic, comparative, assessment
Philosophy/ Psychology
Human rights, community solidarity, cultural spirituality, ethics and well-being, evolution responses, linguistic patterns and analysis, social change, modernism, educational reform, social responses to development, etc
Descriptive-analytic-comparative
Case Study, Reviews, theory-, model- and scenario-building


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